Hours Before Attack On Lafayette Square Protesters, Tens Of Thousands Of Ammunition Rounds Were Stockpiled Nearby For Use On American Citizens "In Case Of Emergency"

The New York Times has published a lengthy report on the now-infamous June 1 tear-gas-and-rubber-bullets assault on law-abiding protesters in Lafayette Square, an illegal action ordered by Attorney General Bill Barr so President Donald Trump could venture outside the White House and walk unmolested to an outdoor photo session.

There has been a torrent of criticism from Congress, senior retired military officers and Guard members themselves since more than 5,000 Guard troops — from the District of Columbia and a dozen states — were rushed to the streets of the capital to help in the crackdown on mostly peaceful protesters and occasional looters after the killing of George Floyd in police custody. The D.C. Guard has halted recruiting efforts, and at least four National Guard troops have tested positive for the coronavirus.

D.C. Guard members, typically deployed to help after hurricanes, floods and other natural disasters, say they feel demoralized and exhausted. More than 60 percent are people of color, and one soldier said he and some fellow troops were so ashamed in taking part against the protests that they have kept it from family members.

The article is based on interviews with two dozen military officials, and various documents, texts, emails, internet chats, and audio recordings.

Senior Army officials leaned heavily on the National Guard out of a fear that Trump might demand military combat troops be used against American citizens. Some of the Guard troops were either just out of basic training or had no experience in controlling street disturbances.

The Lafayette Square debacle began because Donald Trump was embarrassed by and furious about news reports stating that as protests grew outside the White House, he had hidden in an underground bunker. Desperate to display his masculinity, Trump wanted to order active-duty military troops into cities across the country, but General Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, strongly objected and Trump backed off. (He may not take no for an answer after the election.) Instead, it was decided to use National Guard troops from other states.

The appeal was blunt and urgent: How many troops can you send and when can you send them? Pentagon officials said they preferred troops with previous training in civil disturbances, but they knew they did not have time to be picky.

Some states with Republican governors quickly jumped in — Tennessee, South Carolina, Utah. West Virginia's National Guard sent a reconnaissance plane, typically used for border security and to spot drug smugglers. Along with the troops, National Guard units from other states brought weapons and ammunition. Tens of thousands of rifle and pistol rounds were stored in the D.C. Armory and partitioned in pallets, labeled by their state of origin, to be used on American citizens in case of emergency.

Other states, like California, were dealing with demonstrations of their own and were reluctant to part with any forces. Some Guard commanders, recalling the lessons of the Vietnam War and the Guard shootings that killed four Kent State students in 1970, were deeply concerned about committing their troops to a vaguely defined urban mission that could put their forces in direct contact with American citizens protesting racial injustice.

But General Milley and [Army Secretary Ryan] McCarthy warned the Guard throughout the day that if it could not control the protests, Mr. Trump would most likely call in the 82nd Airborne.

That afternoon, Defense Secretary Mark T. Esper told the nation's governors (in a conference with Trump) that troops controlling the protesters needed to dominate the "battle space". Although most of the out-of-state Guard members would not arrive until the following morning, officials believed they had sufficient troops on hand to satisfy Trump (although the 82nd Airborne was still heading to Washington).

After the assault, Trump and his all-white entourage emerged for the cowardly walk to a nearby church. After Trump held a Bible aloft in a pose that screamed he had never held a book before, he quickly retreated back into the White House and low-flying helicopters began further terrorizing protesters.

Brig. Gen. Robert K. Ryan, the task force commander, referred to the Lafayette Square attack the next day as the "Alamo" and his troops' response as the "Super Bowl".

Only two days after both the unprovoked assault of peaceful protesters and a tweet by Tom Cotton, the Republican Senator from Arkansas, stating protesters should be given "no quarter" (a military term for murder without offering an opportunity for surrender), the New York Times published an op-ed from the same Mr. Cotton, entitled "Send In The Troops":

One thing above all else will restore order to our streets: an overwhelming show of force to disperse, detain and ultimately deter lawbreakers. But local law enforcement in some cities desperately needs backup, while delusional politicians in other cities refuse to do what's necessary to uphold the rule of law. ...

In fact, the federal government has a constitutional duty to the states to "protect each of them from domestic violence." ...

Not surprisingly, public opinion is on the side of law enforcement and law and order, not insurrectionists. According to a recent poll, 58 percent of registered voters, including nearly half of Democrats and 37 percent of African-Americans, would support cities' calling in the military to "address protests and demonstrations" that are in "response to the death of George Floyd." That opinion may not appear often in chic salons, but widespread support for it is fact nonetheless. ...

In normal times, local law enforcement can uphold public order. But in rare moments, like ours today, more is needed, even if many politicians prefer to wring their hands while the country burns.

The Times was excoriated for publishing the op-ed (including by its own staff), which included several statements of questionable accuracy. James Bennet, the editor of Times' editorial page, claimed not to have read the op-ed before its publication and subsequently resigned. The Times eventually stated Cotton's op-ed did not meet its standards and should not have published. During the Trump years, the Times has made numerous egregious decisions (including describing sexual abuse as a harmless goof), which are often followed by an apology.

Politico interviewed 10 National Guardsmen who have taken part in the response to cross-country protests. Many Guardsmen felt uncomfortable because demonstrators saw them as an extension of the police.

They felt their presence intimidated Americans from expressing their opinions and escalated the tension. Some Guardsmen involved in the Lafayette Square attack said they felt used. D.C. Guardsman Spec. Isaiah Lynch said: "I felt that we were more protecting the people from the police."

"As a military officer, what I saw was more or less really f---ed up," said one D.C. Guardsman who was deployed to Lafayette Square last Monday and who, like some others, spoke on condition of anonymity to speak freely. The official line from the White House that the protesters had turned violent, he said, is false.

"The crowd was loud but peaceful, and at no point did I feel in danger, and I was standing right there in the front of the line," he said. "A lot of us are still struggling to process this, but in a lot of ways, I believe I saw civil rights being violated in order for a photo op. I'm here to support and defend the Constitution of the United States and what I just saw goes against my oath and to see everyone try to cover up what really happened," the Guardsman continued. "What I saw was just absolutely wrong." ...

In the days following, the debate shifted to whether the police used tear gas to break up the protests. The White House insisted they didn't ... One of the Guardsmen at the scene said the White House isn't being truthful.

"I've been tear gassed before. I was there the night before when we got tear gassed, there was tear gas there" on Monday evening, he said. He added that he and some of his soldiers felt the effects of the tear gas from their colleagues because they didn't have masks on.

The Park Police lied about firing pepper balls, which are also a chemical irritant, into the crowd before finally acknowledging the truth (which was captured on hundreds of impossible-to-deny videos). But, of course, their first instinct is to lie.

Black Lives Matter has filed a lawsuit against Trump, Barr, and an array of federal and police officials. Barr claimed that he did not give the order for the attack, but his own Justice Department admitted that he did.

Read the 31-page complaint in "Black Lives Matter DC v. Trump" here.